This paper proposes that the socio-cultural values of countries may be associated with increased mortality due to COVID-19. Using results from the World Values survey, the author assessed which values had the strongest association with a change in COVID-19 mortality in datasets consisting of all countries, upper-middle and high income economies, upper-middle income economies, high income economies, and advanced economies. The author also sought to determine whether the WVS values that were associated with COVID-19 mortality were also associated with general life expectancy. The results showed that COVID-19 mortality was increased in countries that placed a higher value on freedom of speech, political participation, religion, technocracy, post-materialism, social tolerance, law and order, and acceptance of authority. On the other hand, mortality was decreased in countries with high trust in major companies and institutions and that endorsed maintenance of order as a goal for a country. The author also found that values related to COVID-19 mortality did not predict general health outcomes, and that some values that predicted increased COVID-19 mortality actually predicted decreased mortality from other outcomes.

The purpose of the present study is to provide insight on the debate concerning how best to organize societies: with more freedom (looseness) or with more constraint (tightness). In a comparison of 32 nations, Harrington, Boski, and Gelfand examine the relationship between tightness/looseness and three dimensions of societal well-being: psychosocial, health, and political/economic outcomes. Findings indicate that excessive constraint and/or freedom contribute to poorer psychosocial, health, and economic/political outcomes, as well as overall national-level well-being. These results suggest that a balance of freedom and constraint is associated with optimal societal well-being.

The authors examine correlations between slavery and variables that can potentially be detected archaeologically. The authors do not test specific hypotheses, but aim to explore the variables in a broader sense. As such, the authors use a grounded theory approach to data analysis in order to examine trends that emerge from the data itself.

The author analyzes conditions that might favor social resilience during the Late Antique Little Ice Age (ca. 536-556 CE). The assumption is made that climatic conditions in the Northern Hemisphere during this period of time are very similar to those that would occur during a nuclear winter. These conditions include a drop in temperature and decreased solar radiation from volcanic eruptions. Measures for social resilience come from multiple variables for social change, which are tested against measures for type of political engagement. It is argued that broad political participation is correlated with resilience.

This study examines the relationship between political participation and warfare, suggesting that checks on power, removal of leaders, extent of political participation, and absence of fission will be negatively associated with the frequency of warfare. This hypothesis was supported with empirical analysis.

This is an exploratory study comparing disaster exposure to the presence of exclusionary and corporate political leadership spanning over a 25-year focal period within each of 26 societies. Exclusionary political strategies involves the exclusion of individuals from organized societal benefits based on their relationship with the leader and the tendency to rely heavily on outside alliances for resources. Corporate political strategy tends to seek solutions from within the society and place more emphasis on collectivism. The authors' found support for their hypothesis that increased food-destroying disasters will predict with increased exclusionary leadership presence. These preliminary findings are consistent with previous research on the political adaptation during food-destroying events and the authors hope to continue to expand upon this topic.

This dissertation discusses the divided theoretical approach to how reincarnation, animism, spirits, and general religious beliefs occur within societies cross-culturally. Matlock offers evidence to support Tyler, contradicting the generally accepted Durkheimian approach, arguing that the belief about souls and spirits may originate in dreams and other empirical experiences, in turn informing and shaping social organization. Durkheim argued the opposite, claiming that religious beliefs reflect social organization such as the clan and kinship. The author states 33 quantitative hypotheses to be tested using 30 of the first 60 sample societies available in the HRAF Probability Sample.

This paper examines the influence of traditional leaders, or "chiefs," in sub-Saharan Africa, and how their power varies within and among 19 African countries. The authors argue that the power of traditional chiefs is influenced not only by state policies of indirect rule, as previous research has suggested, but also by local factors such as land quality. They find that traditional chiefs have more power in areas with higher agricultural potential and land quality, likely because citizens in these areas rely on traditional chiefs to define and defend their land rights beyond the protections provided by state institutions. The authors suggest that while land quality may not have been an important factor in state formation in the pre-colonial period, it has become increasingly important in the past half century as population densities have increased and agriculture has become more intensive. Controls are also introduced.

Thi study tests a hypothesis on the relationship between frequency of warfare and sociocultural development.

Using a new expert survey, the authors explore the democraticness of traditional political systems (TPS) in 159 ethnic groups in Africa. Their initial analysis finds that measures of public preference input and political process control are particularly strong contributors to the degree that a society may develop democracy in their TPS. They also find that societies with powerful elders are more likely to be democratic, while more hierarchically organized political systems and those with kings, chiefs, and segmentary lineages are less likely.